Monday, January 07, 2013

May 13, 1969 Truth and reconcialation


May 13, 1969: Truth and reconciliation

By MARTIN VENGADESAN

Sunday May 11, 2008

Closure: ‘A bringing to an end; a conclusion... A feeling of finality or resolution, especially after a traumatic experience,’ (Answers.com). Well, May 13, 1969, was truly a traumatic experience for Malaysia. Yet 39 years later, there is still no proper closure. Instead, the incident has haunted the nation these past four decades. Just the mention of ‘May 13’ invokes shudders and nervous glances. It is our national ‘code’ for violent racial meltdown, especially among the older generation. Isn’t it time to finally break the code?
WHEN news of the March 8 general election results broke, Opposition supporters were understandably jubilant at what was their best showing in the nation’s 51-year history. Yet, the sentiment on the ground was very much one of restraint. Supporters were urged not to go out and celebrate, but rather to maintain a low profile.
The reason for such caution: The racial riots of May 13, 1969, of course.
Truly, those were dark and terrible days. My father, a retired diplomat, told me that after the riots, many prophets of doom even predicted the end of the then newly-formed Malaysia.
According to a Time magazine report on May 23, 1969, ”Malaysia’s proud experiment in constructing a multiracial society exploded in the streets of Kuala Lumpur last week. Malay mobs, wearing white headbands signifying an alliance with death, and brandishing swords and daggers, surged into Chinese areas in the capital, burning, looting and killing. In retaliation, Chinese, sometimes aided by Indians, armed themselves with pistols and shotguns and struck at Malay kampongs. Huge pillars of smoke rose skyward as houses, shops and autos burned.”
That was an outsider view of what happened. Yet, almost four decades later, that is the same graphic image associated with May 13 – violence, mayhem, killing – which haunts Malaysians.
As a nation we have not moved or completely healed from the incident simply because we have been afraid. As PKR information chief Tian Chua opined in an interview with StarMag: “In Malaysia, we grow up and live in a culture of fear in the shadow of May 13. That fear has been built into our political system and has remained a part of our psychology.”
That fear is, in part, rooted in ignorance: no one has been able to come up with a full and authoritative account of what happened.
What's known are the facts. In a nutshell, a day after the May 10, 1969 general election which saw sweeping gains for the Opposition, thousands of Chinese marched through Kuala Lumpur, parading through predominantly Malay areas hurling insults.
Umno Youth members then gathered at Selangor Menteri Besar Datuk Harun Idris’s residence in Kampung Baru in KL on May 13 for their own counter victory celebration since the Alliance had maintained its majority in Parliament, albeit a reduced one, and had retained Selangor with the support of the single independent assemblyman.
That led to outbreaks of violence in parts of Kuala Lumpur that continued over the following days. Houses, shops, vehicles were torched, people killed and injured. Official figures put the death toll at less than 200 but many commentators put the figures at between 800 and 1,000.
On the day the riots broke out, Star Deputy Op-Ed Editor Johan Fernandez , then 21, was watching a movie in the heart of KL.
“Suddenly the screen went red and the words ‘Emergency Declared’ in large black letters were flashed. There was a mad rush to lock the cinema gates just as an armed gang tried to break in.
At first I joined many who were hiding in the toilets but I didn’t want to die there so I walked out again just as the gang broke through, ready to kill. But I heard them say among themselves that they weren’t targeting my race, so I plucked up my courage and walked out of the hall. I know that people were killed after I left.
“I took refuge in a nearby police station for about five or six days until the killings stopped.”
Many Malaysians living in KL at that time have similar tales to tell or know of someone who suffered losses.
After so many years, the question that is often murmured or thought about is: Can another May 13 recur? Certainly it was considered a possibility after the March 8 general election as the results bore an uncanny resemblance to that of 1969.
Prof Emeritus Datuk Dr Khoo Kay Kim says that the circumstances surrounding May 13 were different.
“I believe that this time around there was a greater determination to preserve the peace. I think the security forces were a little confused in 1969, which is why (then Home Minister) Tun Dr Ismail had to bring in the Sarawak rangers.”
Given Malaysia’s status then as a young nation with developing ethnic relations it was easy for politicians to exploit the divide, adds Dr Khoo.
“A focal point of May 13 was communal divisions. Even though the Alliance had lost Kelantan to PAS, many contests were largely pitched as Malay versus non-Malay. It was the non-Malay vote that swung very sharply to the then Opposition parties of Gerakan, DAP and PPP.
“In the case of March 8, the support for the Pakatan Rakyat parties came from all three major races so the situation therefore was far less explosive.”
The historical background
Many tumultuous events happened in the years leading to May 13. Malaya gained independence in 1957 against the backdrop of a guerrilla war conducted by the Communist Party of Malaya (the Emergency which lasted from 1948-1960).
In 1963, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak joined Malaya to form Malaysia, against the objections of the Filipino and Indonesian governments of the day. Indonesian President Sukarno was particularly incensed and carried out underground military action during this period (known as theKonfrontasi).
Meanwhile in Brunei, an election was held but its results nullified when the leftist Parti Rakyat Brunei (which advocated union with Indonesia) swept all the seats, resulting in the brief Brunei Revolt.
In 1965 Singapore seceded from Malaysia, thanks in part to two separate rounds of race riots in 1964 (on July 21 and Sept 3) during which nearly 50 people died in Sino-Malay clashes.
Dr Khoo explains: “During that time when Singapore was part of Malaysia, Chinese outnumbered Malays. This led the Malays to fear displacement in their own homeland. The brand of politics that Lee Kuan Yew practised further frightened the Malays. The Sino-Malay riots of 1964 were a big thing and one reason why Tunku took steps to cut Singapore off.”
The 1969 general elections were therefore conducted under highly emotional charged circumstances.
The theories
In May 13 Before And After, a book penned by Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman within months of the riots, he laid blame largely on communist agitators as well as their leftist sympathisers within the Labour Party of Malaya. LPM chose to boycott the 1969 general election but nonetheless showed off their strength at the funeral march of a member, Lim Soon Seng (who was killed in a clash with police), held in Kepong on May 9.
Tunku also accused supporters of two opposition parties fighting their first general election – Gerakan (a multi-racial party which included former Labour Party leaders Tan Sri Dr Tan Chee Koon and Dr V. David) and the DAP (a splinter party of Singapore’s ruling People’s Action Party) – with carrying out provocative celebrations in Malay areas like Kampung Baru.
Other factors cited by Tunku in his book are the power struggle within Umno itself and the emergence of Malay “ultras”.
Prof Datuk Dr Shamsul Amri Baharuddin, founding director of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia’s Institute of Ethnic Studies, says the most common misconception about May 13 is that it was caused by a single factor.
“In reality, it was the result of multiple factors. Like the movie Vantage Point which presents eight viewpoints from eight persons on one event (the attempt to assassinate a US President), there can be many vantage points to May 13: official, personal and even conspiratorial ones,” he adds.
Dr Kua Kia Soong, author of May 13: Declassified Documents on the Malaysian Riots of 1969 released last year, is of the view that the May 13 riots were not a spontaneous uprising but an orchestrated coup against Tunku by disaffected members of his own party.
Former Inspector-General of police Tun Hanif Omar, in his Sunday Starcolumn on June 3, 2007, rejected this claim.
He pointed out that the National Operations Council (NOC) Report, The May 13, 1969 Incidents, gave other reasons why and how the outbreak started and its consequences.
“Is the NOC Report accurate without touching on the plot to topple Tunku? To me it is. The unhappiness that some Umno members had with Tunku by 1969 was real but it did not feature as a cause of the May 13 incident.
“The incident, however, sharpened the unhappiness of the Malays with Tunku and fuelled the movement to replace him with his deputy, Tun Abdul Razak.
“As the coordinator of the Special Branch investigations into the incident, and having read all the statements from eye-witnesses which formed the basis of the NOC Report, I am convinced of its accuracy,” wrote Hanif.
Still, what Ahmad Mustapha Hassan ,who was an Umno Youth exco committee member at the time, saw first-hand seems to lend some credence to the Tunku conspiracy theory.
He explains: “I was part of the Umno Youth committee that held a meeting on the morning of May 13 and our plan was clear. We would hold a counter victory celebration, to remind people that even though we had a smaller majority we were still victorious.
“However, when we assembled at the Selangor Mentri Besar’s house shocking incidents happened. We were handed headbands and weapons were produced. It was definite that there were some elements in Umno who were opposed to Tunku’s leadership and who had come with an ulterior motive and planned something more sinister.”
In his book, The Unmaking of Malaysia, Ahmad describes his grief and horror at the events that unfolded: “I witnessed a killing of an innocent coffee shop boy. ... We were unaware and unprepared for such a situation ... A crazy mob had taken over ... and I and fellow Umno Youth (members) were helpless.”
Ahmad, who went on to serve as press secretary to Prime Ministers Tun Abdul Razak and Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, believes the attacks “appeared to be planned by some group because hidden weapons and headbands were distributed” but maintains he does not know who was responsible.
It is Dr Kua’s contention that unless “the truth is out”, there can be no real national unity. But Hanif countered that what happened in 1969 “was too ‘ancient’ an animosity to be allowed to hold national unity to ransom.”
In an interview last week, Dr Kua argues that “May 13 is part of our history and is consistently trotted out by politicians who want to play the racial card, to show us what will happen if the privileges of the ruling class are threatened. We need to have a process of truth and reconciliation. This is what happened in South Africa after apartheid; it doesn’t bring back the dead, but it lets the healing process begin.
“At the moment the blame is put largely on the back of the Opposition, but questions must be asked about the role of the military, the police and certain ruling party officials who represented the emerging capitalist class. We don’t need to trot out the gory details which will inflame passions, but the truth must not be covered up.”
DAP veteran leader Lim Kit Siang, who was detained under the Internal Security Act for more than a year after the riots, agrees, adding that 40 years is not too late to discuss what happened.
“We should stop sweeping it under the carpet. May 13 is a ghost that must be exorcised. As long as it remains a hidden, censored part of history then it hinders our maturing as a people and a nation, and will continue to haunt us.”
This desire for closure is shared by others.
In a letter to The Star, (Bury ghost of May 13 once and for all, March 27) Lt Kol (R) Mohd Idris Hassan took to task a “seasoned politician” for appearing on TV and ”saying that if the Opposition parties continue to fan communal sentiments, another May 13 will happen, adding with a raised index finger ‘Dan jangan salahkan kami’ (Then don’t blame us).”
Mohd Idris went on to say “please spare us the threat of another dreadful May 13” and that “After 39 years, it is time to bury deep the ghost of May 13 once for all, so that it never raises its ugly head again.”
He added: “For one, it is a well-flogged threat used by some politicians for their own agenda, and two, it does not work any more. All it does is that it raises painful memories of the black chapter in our history of our otherwise harmonious relations between all races.
“On that fateful day, I was a young officer serving in the army. I witnessed first-hand the carnage as it unfolded. People were attacked because they were of the wrong race, at the wrong place at the wrong time. Everyone suffered.”
Responding to Mohd Idris’ letter, another reader, Daniel K.C. Lim, wrote that “rather than trying to decipher the truth from the official version, if one exists, or from listening to unofficial or underground versions, or simply putting every rumour on hold until living memories fade away and are replaced by mere myths and legends, why not have the events of May 13, 1969, properly and definitively recorded and reviewed?
“Reconciliation must start first with the truth; only then will we be able to lay matters well to rest once and for all.”
Teoh Feh Leong, a 55-year-old engineer, feels that closure can only come through acknowledgement and forgiveness.
“We don’t know anything about what happened because the Government has closed this entire chapter of our history. The incident happened too far back for us to hate or incite anger anymore. But we need to know what happened factually, accurately, once and for all.
“Our young Malaysians have no idea what’s May 13 while the older people remain bitter. Unless we acknowledge and confess to what happened, the spirit of May 13 will continue to be present each time the Malays feel threatened or when the Chinese feel cheated or outraged. It will never end.”
Among the younger generation, May 13 may hold little fear for them but there is a certain curiosity about it.
Abby Wong, 38, merchandising manager for a KL leading bookstore believes that was what fuelled the good sales of Dr Kua’s book.
“It sold like hot cakes when it came out last year. Most of the buyers were working adults in their 30s. When I asked them how they knew about it since there was little publicity in the press, they told me they found out about it on the Internet and were curious to know more.
“I remember one buyer described the book as ‘Valuable history at a cheap price’ as it was sold at only RM20,” says Wong.
Student Chak Tze Chin, 23, says she heard stories of it from her grandmother.
“She still thinks there can be another May 13 incident so during the last general election, she advised me to stay home. To me, it’s important to understand past events so that we can work together better in the future.”
To Diana Afandi, May 13 is often used to remind the people of Malaysia not to stir up racial tensions. “But now, it is used so widely for political parties and leaders to pursue their objectives. I remember being nervous when I heard the stories from my parents and I am still worried now,” said the 21-year-old student.
Other flashpoints
Perhaps what should be made known is that May 13 was not the only major racial clash in the country’s history.
Dr Khoo explains: “The first racial riots were in August-September 1945 and were caused by the Communist Party of Malaya going around punishing Chinese and Indian collaborators after the Japanese Occupation ended. But when they punished the Malays, especially the Banjaris in the Batu Pahat area, they fought back. And this spread to other Banjari areas like Batu Kikir in Negri Sembilan and Sungai Manik in Perak.”
Prof Shamsul agrees: “May 13 has been given special attention in our media, history books and realpolitik, but the Sino-Malay ethnic riots in 1945 were bigger and bloodier. They were more widespread and continued for a longer period (for two weeks with a toll estimated at more than 2,000 lives).
“Why is this conflict never mentioned every time we talk about racial riots in Malaysia? It reminds me of what French historian Ernest Renan once said: ‘History is about remembering and forgetting.’
“It is historical, therapeutic and awareness-raising to talk and analyse these conflicts (between 1945 and 1969) in a rational and reasoned manner, and not use it as a threat to incite racial hatred or fulfil an ethnicised political agenda.”
Observes Dr Khoo: “People try not to talk about May 13 because they don’t know how to handle it. You cannot start by blaming one side or another. The procession through Kampung Baru was certainly unfortunate, but it did not justify such a wave of killings.
“After 1969 we became vulnerable. Each race is told that it is somebody else’s fault. We expect our leaders to play a part in defusing tensions, but instead there are many who thrive on constantly fuelling the fears of the people.”
Moving on
Still there are positive signs of a maturing society, such as how the March 8 general election results were accepted without any violence.
Admits Dr Kua, “The recent elections just put paid to my theory that such riots might recur if the government lost its two-thirds majority.”
Dr Khoo concludes: May 13 is not just a story. It tells about our society and its relationships. We must reach a stage where we understand each other’s fears, where cultural diversity is accepted and not be the cause of conflict.
“Everybody should also realise, especially our politicians, that you can never solve sensitive issues by confrontation.
“People should be reminded that Barisan Nasional was formed after May 13 after the Alliance Party (of Umno, MCA and MIC) was broadened to include former opposition parties, the reason being that the huge coalition would help reduce inflammatory politicking.
“Ethnic champions should always be disapproved of in a multi-ethnic society.”

Timeline 1969-1973

1969

Late April – campaigning period sees clashes in Penang with an Umno worker killed.

May 9 – Funeral of Labour Party member in Kepong turns into show of strength by leftists.
May 10 – General Election is held resulting in Alliance Party losing its two-thirds majority, as well as the state legistatures of Kelantan and Penang. Perak and Selangor state assemblies are hung.
May 11&12 – Supporters of Gerakan and DAP go on victory processions, during which racial taunts are made.
May 13 – Umno organises counter procession beginning at the residence of Selangor Menteri Besar Datuk Harun Idris. Racial killings begin. Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman addresses the nation. Curfew imposed in Selangor and Kuala Lumpur.
May 14 – State of Emergency declared as retaliatory killings continue. Officially 196 people are killed during this period, but unofficial estimates put the figure closer to 800-1,000.
May 16 – National Operations Council headed by Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak is appointed by Yang-Di-Pertuan Agong to carry out executive duties in place of suspended Parliament. Tun Dr Ismail is appointed Minister of Internal Security.
June 28 – Five people are killed in Malay-Indian clashes in KL.
1970 June/July – Elections in Sabah and Sarawak are held.
1971 Feb 21 –Parliament reconvened and National Operations Council dissolved. New Economic Policy launched to ensure a more equitable distribution of wealth among the races.
1972

January – Gerakan and PPP agree to work with Alliance in running Penang and Perak state governments respectively.

1973 January – PAS joins the Alliance, leading to formalisation of new coalition as Barisan Nasional.






Sunday, January 06, 2013

DAP 1314 : satu hidup satu mati.


- analysis: Joceline Tan.
DAP leaders say it is a computing glitch but some have described the shocking revisions to DAP election results three weeks after the polls as Ubah Rocket Style.
AIYOOOOOO! How can?” That was the SMS reaction of one DAP MP after learning of his party’s election fiasco.
“It’s what I would call a perception disaster,” the DAP MP said when contacted.
The blunder in the party’s election result has left DAP leaders red-faced and many of its members angry and astounded.
Another DAP figure described it as a “joke”. Nothing like this, he said, had ever happened in the party, where the winner was actually the loser and the loser is now the winner.
“I believe it was a genuine mistake but I feel sad,” he said.
On Thursday, the DAP said a “technical glitch” had caused errors in the result of the party election which took place on Dec 15.
The mistake apparently occurred during a cut-and-paste job after the results were tabulated.
The party’s election returning officer Pooi Weng Keong said that grassroots worker Vincent Wu, who had won the sixth spot in the 20-member central executive committee (CEC) did not actually win. Instead, the party’s new Malay star Zairil Khir Johari had managed to squeeze into the 20th spot and was the winner.
Wu had only received 669 votes and not 1,202 as previously reported. As such, he had dropped to No. 26 in the new results. Zairil who was reported to have received 305 votes earlier actually got 803 votes under the new results.
The Cantonese-speaking members in the party are calling the event “1314” because the mistake was announced in the year 2013, in the first month and on the fourth day. In Cantonese, “1314” means “one survives, another dies”.
Some party members are upset that the party has taken three weeks to correct the situation. In the meantime, they said Umno had a field day bashing the party for not electing a Malay into the CEC because of the mistake.
Pooi detected the mistake a day after the election and immediately notified secretary-general Lim Guan Eng. It was then decided that its latest recruit Ong Kian Ming lead an internal audit. Sources said the whole thing was kept under wraps because the party was unsure how to handle it.
When the outcome of the audit was presented to the CEC, a discussion was held on the impact of going public with it.
One view was that the results had been announced, there was no challenge to it and they should let sleeping dogs lie. But the CEC decided that they had to come clean and own up to the mistake because something so sensational was bound to leak.
One party leader then insisted on a gag order on who could speak on the issue but was over-ruled.
However, party leaders have been unwilling to speak on the record about this because it is simply too embarrassing. No matter how they talk around it, the fact remains that it was a big-time bungle in prime-time politics.
As one party official admitted: “Our party members will accept what happened but people outside must think we are stupid.
“If we can’t even manage a simple election, how can we convince them that we can run the country?”
The Star got wind of the matter when some DAP politicians tweeted about it on Thursday evening. It was so incredible that some journalists initially thought it was a hoax. It was only after a string of calls to verify the news and checking the party website that the journalists were convinced.
The biggest irony of course is that this is the party that has been trying to tell the Election Commission how to do its job. The folk in the Election Commission are probably having the last laugh now.
Ong, who became famous for accusing the Election Commission of incompetency and wrong-doing, ended up sorting out the muddle for the DAP. The next time Ong tries to teach the Election Commission how to do its job, it will be able to tell Ong to start in his own backyard.
DAP’s dilemma now is how to convince the general public that it was a genuine mistake and not something to engineer a Malay face into the top party echelon.
The opinion out there is that it is too coincidental for Zairil to end up as the eventual winner. His victory will ring somewhat hollow because there will always be lingering doubts about his place in the CEC.
Besides, it is no secret that the top leadership had rooted for him so much that party members joked that he stepped into the party with a silver spoon in his mouth.
On the other hand, there is much sympathy for Wu because he is likeable, hard-working and has done much for the party.
The market talk is that he was the only “nobody” in the CEC; everyone else who won was either an assemblyman or MP. He was the most dispensable face in the line-up and he did not have a famous family name.
The DAP election video Ubah Rocket Style has been a big hit since it was unveiled at the DAP Congress. It is a clever political parody borrowing from the Korean Gangnam Style music video to mock at the discrepancies of the ruling coalition and to urge Malaysians to change the government.
But it has also become the catchphrase for the DAP election outcome – if you don’t like the result, then Ubah Rocket Style.

DAP malukan orang Melayu.


Sandiwara DAP pujuk Melayu


Kuala Lumpur: Pelbagai pihak mempersoalkan dakwaan DAP kononnya berlaku kesilapan dalam keputusan pemilihan Jawatankuasa Eksekutif Pusat (CEC) DAP yang menyaksikan pemimpin Melayu dalam parti itu, Zairil Khir Johari memenangi salah satu daripada jawatan berkenaan.

Mereka berpendapat kesilapan itu sengaja direka kerana mahu membuktikan tidak wujud perkauman dalam parti dan pemimpin Melayu turut diterima untuk memegang jawatan utama. 

Ini kerana kesilapan hanya diumumkan kira-kira tiga minggu selepas pemilihan 15 Disember lalu, walhal Setiausaha Agung DAP, Lim Guan Eng sendiri mengakui beliau dimaklumkan perkara itu pada 17 Disember, iaitu dua hari selepas pemilihan. 


Bekas Naib Pengerusi DAP, Tunku Abdul Aziz Tunku Ibrahim, berkata ia sebenarnya reaksi politik dan manipulasi DAP selepas dikritik hebat berikutan semua lapan calon Melayu yang bertanding tewas.

“Saya memang tidak percaya... perkara ini tidak masuk akal dan satu ‘keajaiban’. Kita tahu mereka mahu menunjukkan DAP adalah parti pelbagai kaum. Bagaimana undi Zairil boleh melonjak dari 305 kepada 803?


DAP persendakan demokrasi!!


Cemuhan DAP terhadap SPR memakan diri

KUALA LUMPUR 4 Jan. - Pertubuhan Pribumi Perkasa Malaysia (Perkasa) menyifatkan tindakan pembangkang yang selama ini mencemuh Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR) akhirnya memakan diri apabila DAP mendakwa berlaku kesilapan dalam pengiraan undi pemilihan Jawatankuasa Kerja Pusat parti itu baru-baru ini.

Presiden Perkasa, Datuk Ibrahim Ali berkata, pengakuan DAP itu nyata menimbulkan spekulasi kerana kesilapan tersebut dilihat bagi memenangkan calon Melayu di dalam parti berkenaan.

"Mereka menyalahkan SPR kononnya tidak betul dan tidak telus dengan pengundi berjuta-juta orang, tetapi mereka dengan kira-kira 2,600 perwakilan pun kira tidak betul, macam mana mahu menjadi pemerintah.

"Saya tengok DAP membuat lawak terbaik untuk tahun ini, sebelum ini tiada wakil Melayu dalam Jawatankuasa Kerja Pusat parti itu tetapi selepas bising-bising dan buat kiraan semula, ada pula wakil Melayu," katanya dalam sidang akhbar di sini hari ini.

Beliau mengulas laporan akhbar yang mendakwa DAP mengakui berlaku kesilapan dalam pengiraan undi dalam pemilihan parti pada pertengahan Disember lalu.
Dalam keputusan yang dipinda itu, Setiausaha Politik Lim Guan Eng, Zairil Khir Johari yang sebelum ini dikatakan mendapat 305 undi, sebenarnya telah mendapat 803 undi, sekali gus meletakkannya pada kedudukan 20 dalam Jawatankuasa Kerja Pusat DAP.

Menurut Ibrahim, dengan segala kontroversi yang berlaku, beliau melihat DAP tidak pernah bersungguh-sungguh bagi memastikan kaum Melayu mendapat tempat dalam kepimpinan parti itu.
"Selepas peristiwa dengan bekas Naib Presiden DAP, Tunku Abdul Aziz Tunku Ibrahim, mereka sudah serik, maknanya pemimpin Melayu tidak boleh bercakap, kalau tidak kena pecat.
"Parti DAP tidak lebih daripada parti diktator milik anak beranak Lim Kit Siang dan Lim Guan Eng serta dibantu Karpal Singh dan anak-anaknya," katanya.

Sementara itu, Ketua Pemuda MIC, T. Mohan berkata, keputusan undi yang diperoleh Zairil selepas kiraan semula itu amat meragukan kerana telah melonjakkannya dari tangga ke-39 kepada tangga ke-20.
"DAP sepatutnya dinamakan Dramatic Action Party. Kononnya, mereka memperjuangkan ketelusan dan keadilan pemilihan tetapi akhirnya mereka yang terpesong daripada prinsip asas demokrasi dan tidak menghormati keputusan pemilihan.

"Mereka timbulkan pelbagai kekecohan terutamanya dalam protes Bersih tetapi akhirnya mereka tidak dapat 'membersihkan' rumah sendiri, tuhan sahaja tahu apa salah guna kuasa yang pemimpin DAP bakal lakukan jika mereka perintah negara," katanya.

Artikel Penuh: http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/Politik/20130105/po_07/Cemuhan-DAP-terhadap-SPR-memakan-diri#ixzz2H72YGWNl
© Utusan Melayu (M) Bhd 

CATATAN: Yang tersenarai dalam 20 nama ialah Zairil, manakala yang terkeluar ialah 
Vincent Wu, Asalnya Vincent Wu mendapat tempat ke-6 dengan undian 1,202 undi, akhirnya telah dikorbankan untuk memasukkan Zairil Khir Johari di tempat ke-20.

Saturday, January 05, 2013

DAP: MAD DEMOCRACY!!

Pooi owns up and quits as DAP polls director

GEORGE TOWN: DAP election director Pooi Weng Keong has taken responsibility for the error in the tabulation of votes in the recent party election and has resigned from the post.
He has also resigned as Federal Territory DAP committee member.
Party secretary-general Lim Guan Eng said Pooi had admitted to his mistake and had resigned from the posts.
“He informed me about the mistake on Dec 17 after he did his own checking and realised the error,” Lim told reporters after witnessing the swearing-in of Penang Municipal Council (MPPP) councillors at the City Hall in Esplanade yesterday.
Lim, who is Penang Chief Minister, thanked the party’s central executive committee (CEC) for adopting his recommendation to announce the corrected results even if it would give a negative impact on the party.
“We expect the party to be hammered (over the mistake). We have to bear with the attacks (criticisms),” he said. “What is important is we have to be honest and be truthful.”
Met at another function later, Lim declined to comment on whether the party would hold a recount of the votes.
When contacted, Pooi said he was not involved in the internal and external auditing of the DAP election results.
“After I reported the error in the tabulation, the secretary-general appointed internal and external auditors,” he said.
When asked if he still had in his possession the manually recorded vote tabulation, Pooi said the matter was beyond him now.
In PETALING JAYADr Ong Kian Ming, who headed the internal audit team told The Star that Pooi noticed the errors a day after the election.
“He may have suspected that something was wrong with the results, so he checked it again and found out in the afternoon and told Lim immediately.
“By evening, Lim instructed me to head an internal audit team and appoint external auditors,” said Ong.
He added that it took close to three weeks for the external auditors TCMK Associated Chartered Accountants to complete their audit due to the Christmas and New Year breaks.
“If we were to announce it straight away, there would have been a lot more speculation that we are trying to massage the results of the party polls,’’ he added.
Ong rubbished allegations that the new figures were to appease the party’s Malay members and the public.

THE STAR: Reports by FOONG PEK YEE, MAZWIN NIK ANIS, SIRA HABIBU, REGINA LEE, CHRISTOPHER TAN, CHRISTINA CHIN and KIATISAK CHUA



Guru sekolah rendah tiada kualiti.

Terpulanglah kepada semua guru-guru sekolah rendah dan menengah untuk terus menyokong Hadi Awang, PAS, DAP dan Pakatan Rakyat. Sekurang-kurangnya Hadi telah menunjukkan batang tubuh sebenar, dan tanpa segan silu, menganggap guru sekolah tidak ada standard, hanya layak ajar ABC.... itu kata2 Hadi. Walaupun itu hanyalah terjah politik, tetapi warga guru sekolah rendah telah dihina tanpa selindung.


2. Sukar untuk ditelan, itu adalah satu lagi komen pedas Hadi Awang waktu menepis sergahan dari Cikgu Non, bekas guru sekolah rendah, bekas ahli PAS seumur hidup. Dalam ertikata "jihad", Cikgu Non telah mengangkat senjata bersama pejuang-pejuang di bumi Afghanistan. Cikgu Non mungkin tidak sehebat Hadi berpidato untuk membuatkan pendengar ternganga mulut, tetapi cikgu non mampu mengotakan janji "berjihad".

3. Platform politik PAS adalah untuk orang-orang yang pandai menyusun kata-kata politik dan memukau. Hadi ada sentuhan itu, namun sedikit ghairah dan melampau berbanding dengan pemimpin Pemimpin PAS terdahulu. Amanat Hadi 1981, adalah amanat ahli politik singkat akal, sedap untuk disembur tapi sukar untuk ditarik balik. Kesannya sangat mendalam.

4. Ada lebih 200,000 guru sekolah rendah sedang berkhidmat dalam negara ini. Ditangan mereka ada hak untuk menidakkan Hadi Awang berjalan atas arena politik selama-lamanya.

Friday, January 04, 2013

Cikgu Zainon bersuara tanpa selindung tentang HADI.

Cikgu Zainon tidak berucap berapi-api macam Hadi Awang, atau pandai mencuit mengata macam Anwar. Cikgu Zainon jujur, dan kita dapat rasa kejujuran itu dari nada dan susunan kata beliau. Memang betul macam kata Hadi, Cikgu Zainon hanyalah cikgu sekolah rendah dan layak ajar ABC saja disekolah rendah.

2. Bezanya, Cikgu Zainon termakan amanat Hadi seterusnya memperaktik dengan mengkafirkan abang, emak dan ayah beliau. Hadi pula mengeluarkan amanat tersebut dalam nada tinggi  naik syeikh  pada tahun 1981 tanpa perlu bertindak apa-apa. Sekarang Hadi memeluk Lim Kit Siang, manakala Cikgu Zainon tak tergamak memeluk orang kafir dan berjuang bersungguh-sungguh memperbetulkan pegangan yang pada hemat beliau adalah salah dan berdosa.

3. Walau terlambat, akhirnya Cikgu Zainon dapat membezakan antara retorik politik dengan ajaran Islam sebenar. Dulu waktu dia teruja dengan konsep politik dan agama tidak boleh berpisah, terus dia setuju dan terima saja kata-kata pemimpin PAS.

4. Sekarang Cikgu Zainon berjuang untuk memperbetulkan keadaan, sepertimana dulu dia pernah berjuang untuk negara Afghanistan. Sekurang-kurang Cikgu Zainon pernah lihat dan rasa rupa dan wajah sebuah negara yang hampir ranap dan musnah. Hadi pula suka bermain-main, mengajak rakyat turun mendengar retorik politik yang kosong, mengumpan keganasan dibumi yang masih kekal aman dan damai.

5. Dari satu sudut Hadi perlu hormat dan wajar mendengar keluhan dan perjuangan orang macam Cikgu Zainon yang pernah merantau untuk berjihad dalam suasan porak peranda di bumi afghanistan.

6. Ada beza antara orang yang pernah angkat senjata berjihad dengan orang pasang serban panjang berjela menjerit jihad, tapi masih mahu duduk bawah ketiak ambiga, lim kit siang, karpal dan anwar (Hadi pernah dengar amaran tentang kaum Lut,  tetapi gagal memahami dalam dunia realiti)


sila lihat Cikgu Non disini.....
1. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CwVzHONMi4M
2.http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aYJC7B8b2tM


Thursday, January 03, 2013

JAKIM panggil Hadi

Presiden PAS kena tindakan jika enggan tarik amanat kafirkan UMNO 

Kuala Lumpur: Jabatan Kemajuan Islam Malaysia (JAKIM) mahu Presiden PAS, Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang menarik balik amanatnya yang mengkafirkan UMNO. 
Ketua Pengarahnya, Datuk Othman Mustapha, berkata jabatan itu akan terlebih dulu memanggil Hadi berhubung amanat terbabit yang membawa kepada perpecahan umat Islam di negara ini. 


Beliau berkata, pelbagai tindakan diambil sebelum ini tidak berjaya mengekang amanat itu daripada diamalkan pengikut parti berkenaan khususnya yang fanatik walaupun Majlis Fatwa Kebangsaan sudah mengharamkannya. 

Katanya, andai Hadi ingkar dan mahu terus mempertahankan amanat itu, tindakan lain boleh diambil termasuk mengikut peruntukan undang-undang sedia ada. 

Kesan amanat 

“Kesan amanat itu besar, mereka lepaskan kepada masyarakat dan tidak cuba memperbetulkan semula, tuduh orang Islam lain tidak boleh kawan, kafir. Kalau kita lihat, di negara Arab mereka berpecah belah soal mazhab, kita di sini soal amanat... sebenarnya mengkafirkan orang (Islam) lain itu lebih parah. 
“Jadi, kita akan panggil pemimpin PAS berkenaan untuk perbetulkan amanat itu. Jika tidak berjaya, mungkin akan ada tindakan lain sebab peruntukan undang-undang itu ada dari segi aspek memecah-belah keamanan, membawa situasi tidak aman, sama ada kepada masyarakat kecil, komuniti dan sebagainya. 

“Benda ini (amanat) pun sudah lama, tindakan pun sudah diambil, tapi timbul balik,” katanya kepada BH, semalam. 

Mengenai pendirian pemimpin PAS yang menafikan Amanat Hadi itu mengkafirkan UMNO, Othman berkata, pihaknya mempunyai bukti jelas bahawa ia memang mengkafirkan UMNO. 

“Mengikut rekod kami yang dikumpul sejak amanat itu diucapkan, elemen mengkafir itu jelas ada. Kami ada bukti dan simpan semua termasuk rakaman ceramah mereka. Kesan apa yang mereka ucapkan itu juga berlaku termasuk dalam majlis perkahwinan, kenduri kendara, makan sembelihan orang UMNO tak boleh. 

“Di kampung saya (Kelantan), sampai sekarang masyarakat masih berpecah-belah kerana amanat itu,” katanya. 

Isu kalimah Allah 

Mengulas cadangan Setiausaha Agung DAP, Lim Guan Eng yang menggesa kerajaan membenarkan penggunaan kalimah Allah dalam kitab Injil versi bahasa Melayu, beliau berkata, dalam konteks ulama, mereka berpandangan perkara itu tidak perlu dikaji kerana sudah ada ketetapan kalimah Allah adalah hak mutlak umat Islam. 

“Ketetapan sudah lama dibuat, muzakarah (fatwa) pun sudah bincang. Isu ini tidak sepatutnya ditimbulkan kerana boleh mengelirukan umat Islam,” katanya.

Hadi's edict returns to haunt him


DIVISIVE FIGURE: Old issue or not, what Hadi said 31 years ago is still relevant today, with far-reaching impact on Muslim society

PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang's controversial edict he made  31 years ago is stirring fresh political debate as the party prepares for a "do-or-die" general election early next year.
The Amanat Haji Hadi (The Message of Haji Hadi), which was based on his rally speech in Manir, Terengganu, on April 7, 1981, roiled Muslims when he declared that Umno members were not true Muslims, resulting in the divisive kafir-mengkafir (infidel) issue.
The firebrand Islamic leader was at the time seen as a potential man to lead Pas one day.
In 1984, the National Fatwa Council, however, decreed that the amanat was contrary to Islamic teachings.
Hadi has been Pas president since 2002 following the untimely death of Datuk Fadzil Noor.
Under Hadi's charge, the party was nearly wiped out when Barisan Nasional won a record victory in the 2004 general election, only to make a strong comeback in the last election.
But the ghost of Hadi's past has now returned to haunt him following the recent publication of a book entitled Kafirkah Aku? written by former hardcore Pas member Zainon Ismail, who goes by his pen name C.N. Al-Afghani.
Zainon, who was so obsessed with the struggles of Pas, left his job as a teacher to work for the party.
He even went to Afghanistan to fight alongside the Mujahidins in the late 1980s.
Besides sacrificing his career, Zainon was also said to have declared his father and brother as "non-believers" because of political differences.
Zainon, who was a member of the Kedah Pas state youth committee in the late 1990s, is a prolific writer, too. He has written some 20 books and one of his books, Air Mata di Bumi Memali, is banned for sale to Pas members over allegations of misuse of a Pas fund to aid Memali victims.
The 85-page Kafirkah Aku? provides a rare glimpse into the minds of staunch Pas supporters and how some of them became disillusioned after the party decided to discard some of its Islamic idealism in its lust for power.
Zainon wrote that Hadi's doctrine had a profound effect on staunch Pas loyalists in the 1980s and 1990s.
"Needless to say that at that time, everyone was willing to sacrifice for the sake of orang kita (whom he defined as Pas members).
"We do not consider our family members who are Umno members as one of us.
"Some were willing to disown their families. We did that not at our whims and fancies but based on the teachings of the Pas leadership."
Zainon argued that the doctrine, which has not been withdrawn by Hadi until today, had contributed to a bitter split among Muslims, especially among Pas and Umno supporters.
In the book, he asked Hadi to revoke the amanat and declare that Umno members are indeed true believers of Islam. He said a revocation would make it easier for him and other former Pas supporters to apologise to their member families, neighbours, colleagues and Umno leaders for calling them kafir.
Hadi, whom within Pas is prime minister-in-the-making, may not realise this, but his 1981 edict had a damaging impact, especially on rural Muslims.
Communities were split to the extent that mosques conducted separate communal prayers for Pas and Umno congregations.
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak touched on the Amanat Hadi during his keynote address at the Umno general assembly last month.
He noted that as a result of the amanat, Umno was labelled as kafir for cooperating with non-Muslims and that it was not supportive of the Islamic state and the implementation of hudud.
The Memali incident in 1985 was also seen as a manifestation of Hadi's amanat, leading to deadly clashes between villagers in Kampung Memali in Kedah and the police.
Najib said besides the Memali tragedy, the amanat also led to the Lubok Merbau incident and the confusion over the consumption of meat slaughtered by Umno members.
Opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and some Pas leaders, including the party's national youth information chief, Riduan Mohd Nor, have brushed off the Amanat Hadi issue as an attempt by its political opponents to recycle an old issue ahead of the election.
"As an ulama and a party leader, Datuk Seri Tuan Guru Abdul Hadi Awang, knows what to say, to whom and when," Riduan said.
Old issue or not, what Hadi said 31 years ago is still relevant until today, with far-reaching impact on Muslim society and the Islamic faith.
Do Pas members still believe that the Pas brand of Islam is purer than Umno's version? Apparently, there are still 11 mosques in Terengganu holding separate communal prayers for Pas and non-Pas supporters.
If Pas feels the issue is an old issue, why did the party allow a prayer congregation in Kota Baru recently to pray for the destruction of Umno and Barisan Nasional?


A. Jalil Hamid is NSTP Group managing Editor


Read more: Hadi's edict returns to haunt him - Top News - New Straits Times http://www.nst.com.my/top-news/hadi-s-edict-returns-to-haunt-him-1.190300#ixzz2Gp0tpw5Y

Wednesday, January 02, 2013

HADI perlekeh Zainon: konon cikgu sekolah rendah saja.

Perlekeh Zainon: Hadi angkuh, tinggi diri

KUALA LUMPUR 1 Jan. - Tindakan Presiden Pas, Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang memperlekehkan taraf pendidikan bekas ahli Pas seumur hidup, Zainon Ismail memperlihatkan sikap angkuh dan tinggi diri beliau sebagai pemimpin.
Presiden Ikatan Muslimin Malaysia (Isma), Abdullah Zaik Abd. Rahman berkata, selaku seorang pemimpin parti Islam atau dianggap ulama, Ahli Parlimen Marang itu tidak sepatutnya cepat melenting dengan teguran atau pandangan ahli dan golongan bawahan.
"Tindakan Abdul Hadi ini hanya memakan diri dengan memperlihatkan keangkuhan dan tinggi diri beliau selaku ulama.
"Beliau perlu menilai secara rasional teguran yang diberi dan bukannya melenting dengan mengeluarkan kenyataan memperlekehkan orang lain," katanya ketika dihubungi di sini hari ini.
Abdul Hadi baru-baru ini memperlekehkan Zainon atau lebih dikenali sebagai C.N. Al-Afghani hanya kerana beliau seorang guru sekolah rendah.
Tindakan itu berikutan Zainon membangkitkan isu Amanat Haji Hadi dalam bukunya Kafirkah Aku?
Tambah Abdullah Zaik, beliau yakin, kenyataan Abdul Hadi itu bukan hanya menyinggung perasaan pengarang buku tersebut tetapi turut menyinggung perasaan umum.
Mengulas isu sama, Presiden Persatuan Belia Islam Nasional (Pembina), Ibrahim Mohd. Hassan berkata, Abdul Hadi seharusnya bersifat terbuka dalam menerima pandangan dan kritikan umum.
Katanya, tindakan memperlekehkan taraf pendidikan pihak lain adalah tidak wajar.
"Beliau (Abdul Hadi) jangan mengkritik peribadi seseorang sebaliknya mengkritik idea dan pandangan orang tersebut.
"Isu siapa dia, taraf pendidikannya tidak seharusnya dikritik. Jika dia mampu melahirkan idea yang bernas dan rasional, dia patut disokong," ujar beliau.


Artikel Penuh: http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/Politik/20130102/po_08/Perlekeh-Zainon:-Hadi-angkuh,-tinggi-diri#ixzz2Gox4zQKm
© Utusan Melayu (M) Bhd

Hadi ditegur perlekeh taraf pendidikan C.N. Al-Afghani


KUALA LUMPUR 31 Dis. - Presiden Pas, Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang tidak sewajarnya menilai seseorang melalui taraf pendidikan atau pekerjaannya.
Sebaliknya Pengerusi Jawatankuasa Kerja, Himpunan Ulama Muda Malaysia (Ilmu), Fathul Bari Mat Jahya berkata, Abdul Hadi sepatutnya menilai seseorang itu melalui inti pati dan isi kandungan yang dizahirkan sama ada melalui ungkapan atau penulisan.

“Jika dirasakan benar apa yang diungkapkan, maka kita harus menerimanya dan jika tidak, kita wajib menolaknya.

“Dalam sejarah Islam, empat imam iaitu Abu Hanifah, Malik bin Anas, Al-Syafi’e dan Ahmad bin Hanbal bukannya lepasan universiti pun, tetapi tahap keilmuan mereka diiktiraf dan diterima pakai seluruh umat Islam sehingga hari ini," katanya ketika dihubungi Utusan Malaysia di sini hari ini.
Beliau mengulas tindakan Abdul Hadi memperlekeh bekas ahli Pas seumur hidup, Zainon Ismail atau lebih dikenali sebagai C.N. Al-Afghani dengan menyifatkan penulis buku Kafirkah Aku? itu sebagai hanya seorang guru sekolah rendah, baru-baru ini.
Abdul Hadi berkata demikian ketika mengulas tindakan Zainon yang membangkitkan semula isu Amanat Haji Hadi menerusi buku Kafirkah Aku? itu.
Mengulas lanjut, Fathul Bari berkata, jika mahu dinilai daripada taraf pendidikan seseorang, Abdul Hadi sepatutnya memperlekehkan kebanyakan penceramah Pas yang taraf pendidikan mereka juga tidak tinggi.
“Saya ingin menasihatkan beliau memperbetulkan ungkapannya terhadap Cikgu Non (Zainon).
“Jangan berhujah dengan penilaian taraf rendah," katanya.


Artikel Penuh: http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/Politik/20130101/po_04/Hadi-ditegur-perlekeh-taraf-pendidikan-C.N.-Al-Afghani#ixzz2Gov4DPUO
© Utusan Melayu (M) Bhd